By Jacques Véron, Sophie Pennec, Jacques Légaré
Our societies are growing old. The kinfolk is altering. Labour strength behaviour is evolving. How is the company of relatives and collective unity adapting during this context of longer lifestyles spans, low fertility, and paintings that's concurrently scarce and abundant?
The welfare states are at present dealing with 3 major demanding situations: determine passable residing stipulations for the aged with out expanding the fee burden at the lively inhabitants, lessen social inequality, and preserve fairness among successive generations. during this publication, researchers from varied nations examine their studies and supply contrasting perspectives at the way forward for social safety. they give thought to the theoretical facets of the intergenerational debate, family among generations in the kin, the dwelling criteria of aged humans, and the query of social time.
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Additional info for Ages, Generations and the Social Contract: The Demographic Challenges Facing the Welfare State
It is also revealing to summarize the direction of resource flows across age in populations at differing technological stages, using an arrow diagram. The tail of the arrow is placed at the average age of producing, and the head at the average age of consuming. These average ages are calculated by weighting the original age schedules by the population age distribution (Willis, 1988; Lee, 1994, 2000) and therefore reflect both the population age distribution and the shapes of the age schedules. 2 plots the arrows for hunter-gatherer groups, agricultural groups, and the industrial states, both on an individual basis and by age of household head for the industrial states.
But in this case, the decline in mortality has a combined effect on familial and social solidarity. National differences in numbers of children per woman are often associated with differences in numbers of childless women. This is obviously a major issue with regard to intergenerational relationships inside the family. It means that for certain women (and also for men, though less information is available concerning them) the forms of familial solidarity will necessarily be very different in the future from those observed for the baby-boomer cohorts where childlessness was the lowest.
3 Industrialized Societies Studies of labor force participation rates in the nineteenth century for a number of the currently industrialized countries show that men continued to work to quite old ages (Costa, 1998). It appears, therefore, that full retirement was not a major factor in either the agricultural or the industrial sectors of these countries before the late nineteenth century. For 1900, the male age at retirement in the US has been estimated at 74 years (Burtless and Quinn, 2001; estimated as the age at which the participation rate first falls to 50%).
Ages, Generations and the Social Contract: The Demographic Challenges Facing the Welfare State by Jacques Véron, Sophie Pennec, Jacques Légaré